THE PEACE AGREEMENT THAT ONCE WE HOPED THAT WOULD END ALL OUR SUFFERING

 

 

 

 

posted by : malachi_ss

14 YEARS!  OF PEACE AGREEMENT BETWEEN ERITREA AND ETHIOPIA

When ever i watch these photos, i remember that very day as it was yesterday. i was happy, i hug my friends friends. we just remembered our friend who sacrificed on 10 December 2000 just before the agreement.

ZELEALEMAWI ZIKRI N SUWUATNA

 

 

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Human Rights Watch submission to the Universal Periodic Review

posted by : malachi_ss

UPR Submission Eritrea Updated in December 2013 – All updates are in bold

Eritrea’s human rights situationhas not improved since the Council’s 2009 Universal Periodic Review.  Torture, arbitrary detention, and severe restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and religious freedom remain routine. Elections have not been held since Eritrea gained independence in 1993, the constitution has never been implemented, and political parties are not allowed. There are no institutional constraints on President IsaiasAfewerki, in power now for 22 years.

Forced labor and indefinite military service prompt thousands of Eritreans to flee the country every month. Access to the country for international humanitarian and human rights organizations is almost impossible and the country has no independent media.Regrettably, there is no indication since the 2009 UPR that the government is willing to undertake any of the reforms that would promote and protect human rights.

Eritrea refuses to address the serious human rights violations that force thousands of Eritreans to flee their country every year. These denials have a high price. In early October 2013, 466 migrants and asylum seekers, most of them Eritrean, drowned when their boat capsized in the Mediterranean.  These victims are a fraction of the hundreds of thousands of Eritreans who have fled Eritrea in the past decade.

The denial of human rights and the absence of any semblance of the rule of law spur this immense exodus but the Eritrean government takes no responsibility for it.  Instead, it blames the exodus on external conspiracies formed “with a view to disintegrating and paralyzing the indomitable people and Government of Eritrea.”[1] As the UN Special Rapporteur on Eritrea summarized in a November 25 statement, refugees she interviewed in Tunisia and Malta confirmed that the indefinite nature of, and extensive abuses in, national services were the primary reason for their flight.  More broadly, they have risked their lives because of the “complete deprivation of freedom and security of the person.”

The Council members should insist that the government adopt the Council’s previous recommendations, as well as those proposed by the Special Rapporteur. The Council should also again urge Eritrea to allow the Special Rapporteur for Eritrea, as well as other Special Rapporteurs who have requested access, to enter the country, visit its prisons, meet with its citizens, talk to conscripts privately.  Were Eritrea’s denials of human rights violations justified, allowing the special rapporteurs into the country could provide exonerating evidence.  So long as the government excludes them, its denials of extensive human rights violations remain seriously undermined.

Failure to implement UPR recommendations

Eritrea has implemented none of the Council’s major UPR 2009 recommendations, including the few recommendationsit explicitly agreed to implement in its response to the UPR: It has not acceded to the Convention against Torture, the ILO Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labour, orother treaties.

Eritrea also failed to progress on issues addressed by recommendations it neither accepted nor rejected: It has taken no visible steps to implement the constitution approved in 1997.No independent human rights mechanism has been created despite Eritrea’s assertion that it accepted the principle of establishing one. Conditions that would allow basic freedoms of association and expression are still non-existent.

Finally no progress has been observed on issues related to recommendations rejected by Eritrea from the outset: The government has not released or permitted thousands of prisoners –jailed without trial – to invoke their right to be brought before a judgedespite acknowledging that its civil procedure code includes that remedy.

Eritrea has consistently refused to cooperate with UN human rights mechanisms since 2000 and ignored the requests for visits by Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council, including the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea established in July 2012. The following sections describe flagrant ongoing patterns of human rights abusesoccurring since 2009 that Human Rights Watch is independently aware of, based oninterviews with refugees and other credible sources.

 

Forced labor and indefinite conscription

Although all Eritrean citizens must by law provide 18 months of military service, national service is in practice indefinitely prolonged; for many conscripts it extends for much of their working lives.Endless conscription amounts to violations of the Forced Labour Convention (1930, no. 29), and the Abolition of Forced Labour Convention 1957, no. 105), both of which Eritrea ratified.

Eritrea claims that its national service system is necessary to protect the country, but conscripts are routinely used as forced labor on essentially civilian jobs.Human Rights Watch documented in 2013that several hundred conscripts had been forced by a state-owned construction company, Segen Construction Co., to build infrastructure at Eritrea’s only operating mineral mine. Conscripts were forced to work long hours for minimal food rations, primitive lodging, and pay inadequate to sustain themselves, much less their families.They were not allowed to leave the work site.One former conscript said he was jailed for attending a relative’s funeral after his request for leave was denied.The Segen assignment is not unusual. Conscripts are routinely used as cheap and involuntary labor on government farms, road building, civil service, and other essentially civilian activities.

Contrary to Eritrea’s assertion in its UPR response in 2009 that there is no underage recruitment, children as young as 15 are still inducted and sent for military training, according to recent interviews.Evidencegathered by Human Rights Watch show that children are forcibly recruited in the military and face violence and ill-treatment on a regular basis.Conscripts report severe punishment for perceived infractions.There is no mechanism for redress of abuses.

Female conscripts are sometimes sexually abused or raped by their commanding officers. A 2007 study of Eritrean women seeking asylum reported “detention (short and long term), beatings, forced abortions (and attempted abortions), forced heavy labor, death threats, degrading treatment, continuous sexual violence and rape. . . .”[2]There has been no discernibleimprovement since 2009.

 

Arbitrary arrest, prolonged detention, and inhumane detention conditions

Although Eritrea’s response to the 2009 UPR recommendations claimed that due process is the law of the land, torture is illegal, and the right to judicial review of detentionis enshrined in law,these protections are consistently violated.

Thousands of ordinary citizens are arrested and incarcerated without charge, trial, or opportunity to appeal, and without access to family, lawyers, or independent prison monitoring organizations, including the International Committee of the Red Cross. Some are freed without explanation after arrestand warned not to speak to anyone about their detention.For example, a well-known artist was twice arrested and released without explanation. Friends in a security agency told him the second arrest was because he talked openly about his first arrest. In 2011, he was again arrested when he openly criticized repression and government animosity against his ethnic group; he later fled the country.

Most prisoners remain in jail indefinitely. The most prominent prisoners are the government officials and journalists – the “G-15” – arrested in 2001 and never seen again. They have never been formally charged, much less tried, and have now been held incommunicado for 12 years. Absconding guards report half of them have died. Eritrea continues to ignore calls for due process, including a judicial review of detention from the U.N. Working Group on Arbitrary Detention[3] and the African Commission on Human Rights.[4]

Conditions of confinement described by former detainees are often cruel and inhuman. Death in captivity is not uncommon.Many prisoners disappear, their whereabouts and health unknown to their families. Their deaths may be the first time the family is informed of their condition. When a family occasionally is informed of a death, they are ordered not to inquire about its cause.

Former prisoners continue to describe being confined in underground cells or in shipping containers. They describe overcrowded cells and containers with no space to lie down, little or no light or windows, oppressive heat and insects. With some exceptions, prisoners are denied medical treatment. Food verges on a starvation diet: one or two pieces of bread a day, an occasional serving of lentils or beans, and a cup of tea. Many interviewees said that there was “not enough food and water.”

Physical abuse and torture in detention is common, if varied.Former detainees say italways consists of severe beatings.Detention wardens are given free rein to impose worse punishments. A former interrogator frankly admitted to Human Rights Watch he ordered beatings of prisoners until they confessed to whatever they were accused of; they were then beaten to implicate others. A former prisoner told of a room with three vats in which prisoners were progressively placed if they failed to “confess”, the first filled with cold water, the second with water and human waste, the third predominantly with human waste. Sometimes the prisoner’s head would be pushed into slime and held down. Another prisoner spoke of being forced to sit in the sun shirtless for the day and then being compelled to crawl along rough ground with his elbows and to dig a hole a meter deep before being ordered to crawl back. A prisoner complained that after prolonged detention in the dark in an underground cell, his jailers shone bright lights in his eyes; months later, he still has eye pain.[5]

Eritreans forcibly repatriated to Eritrea are mistreated, contrary to the claim in Eritrea’s 2009 UPR response that “returnees go straight to their homes.”Some who escaped a second time told Human Rights Watch in 2012 they had been incarcerated in the typical crammed cells and beaten shortly after their return. They displayed scars from beatings and electric shocks. One double-escapee reported that several prisoners in his group of returnees died from their beatings and were buried in a large cemetery at the penal complex.

So far as is known, no one has been disciplined for these abuses.

 

Retaliation for the activities of family members

Family members of draft evaders or national service deserters are punished for their relatives’ conduct, including through arbitrary arrests and detentions. Some families are fined Nakfa 50,000 (US$ 3,333) for evasion or desertion of a relative. Authorities arrested the 87-year-old father, 15-year-old daughter, and brother of a former information minister who fled in 2012; their whereabouts are unknown.In July 2011, a wife whose husband she had not seen since he was conscripted two years earlier was denied food rations when she told authorities she did not know his location. Her children were expelled from school. Another woman was arrested in 2009 and beaten when she failed to disclose her husband’s whereabouts. She was arrested again in 2011 while living in another city and accused of helping her son flee. After eight days and daily beatingsshe was released but ordered to pay N100,000. Yet another woman told of being jailed raped for five nights by the prison’s chief interrogator when her husband fled. After she bled profusely and miscarried, she was released in the care of her father. When she later fled the country, her father was arrested, beaten, and jailed for a month until he paid N50,000.

Families in Eritrea are also punished and threatened when relatives living abroad fail to pay a 2% tax on foreign income, retroactive to 1992.The tax obligation is imposed on all persons of Eritrean origin, including those who abandoned Eritrean citizenship or have dual nationality. Failure to pay the tax can result in revocations of resident families’business licenses, confiscations of houses and other property, and refusalsto issue passports to allow reunification of children and spouses with their overseas parent or spouse, according to family members interviewed by Human Rights Watch.

 

Denial of religious freedom

Eritrea claims that “every person has an established and legally protected freedom of conscience and religion.”[6] This is false.  Eritrean citizens continue to be punished for practicing a religion other than the four that the government controlsor recognizes. Although other religious groups have attempted to register since 2002, the government ignores their applications. The government has also interfered with the leadership of the Orthodox Church and Sunni Islam. It deposed the Orthodox patriarch in 2007 and still holdshim in incommunicado house arrest.

Among many other cases, aPentecostal refugee said her husband, a fellow believer, was arrested in 2009 after they held church ceremonies at their house. She has not heard from him since.In 2011 shewas jailed and released only after she agreed to sign a government-prepared document renouncing her religion.A Pentecostal conscript caught possessing a Bible at training camp was physically abused in 2009 and the Bible was publicly burned. In 2011, he was arrested after authorities at his college discovered his participation in Bible studies.He was beaten so badly in prison that he still bears scars. A Muslim conscript had his Koran confiscatedat Sawain 2011; he was 16 at the time.He said other Muslims were punished for reading the Koran or for praying by being forced to lug 25 kgcontainers of sand about and by being tied up on the ground in the sun for hours or days.

In October and November 2013, religious groups that previously provided reliable information reported arrests of about 200 Christians found praying together.  Some were released after signing a police-prepared agreement not to meet and pray together.  A woman arrested in late 2012 because participation in religious services was reported to have died in prison in 2013.

Eritrea makes no allowance for conscientious objection.Imprisonment for conscientious objectionlastsfar longer than the statutory 18-month service obligation.Three Jehovah’s Witnesses arrested in 1994 because they refused to perform military (but not civilian) duties,remain incarcerated incommunicado 19 years later. At least 11 other Jehovah’s Witnesses have shared their fate during the past decade.

 

Interference with freedom of expression and association

Eritrea closed all local press outlets in 2001 and arrested their journalists, all of whom remain jailed. Despite government assertions, it has taken no steps to permit anindependent domestic press. The only domestic sources of information since 2001 are the government’s outlets. Telephone and internet communications are monitored. No foreign news organization is accredited. Although foreign language transmissions are accessible, the government jammed Al-Jazeera earlier in 2013;it continually jams overseas Tigrinya transmissions. In 2009 and 2011, it arrested journalists at government broadcasting stations; at least six remain in solitary confinement without trial.

No civil society organizations are allowed. Labor unions remain a government monopoly.

 

Situation of Eritrean refugees in host countries

The human rights crisis in Eritrea continues to spur enormousnumbers of Eritreans to flee the country despite shoot-to-kill orders and extreme dangers along migration routes. Countries hosting Eritrean refugees should fulfill their international obligations to protect them and desist from involuntary returns. We urge the Council to adopt the Special Rapporteur’s recommendations that all countries protect these vulnerable and abused exiles.

 

Recommendations

During the universal Periodic Review, States should re-assertthe recommendations made in 2009 and support those in the Special Rapporteur’s report, as well as urge Eritrea to cooperate with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea. The government of Eritrea should also be recommended to:

·         Unconditionally release, or charge and bring before a court law all persons arbitrarily detained, including the so-called “G-15.”

·         Inform the families of the locations of those held incommunicado and facilitate visits.

·         Immediately respect international standards of law in the treatment of prisoners including providing prisoners adequate food, water, and medical assistance and ending overcrowding; allow independent monitors access to all known and secret Eritrean detention facilities; notify family members of the whereabouts of detainees; and restore visiting rights and access to legal representation.

·         Investigate and prosecute all government officialssuspected of torture or cruel and degrading treatment of detainees and national service conscripts.

·         Establish independent courts and permit full enforcement of writ of habeas corpus.

·         Stop punishing family members for actions of relatives.

·         Allow citizens to practice their religions peacefully; end discrimination against Jehovah’s Witnesses; and release the Eritrean Orthodox patriarch from home detention.

·         Permit independent non-governmental organizations, including labor unions, to operate without interference.

·         Rescind the suspension of the private press and permit the establishment of independent media outlets.

·         End indefinite national service; begin phased demobilization for those serving for more than the statutory 18 months; and allow substitute service for conscientious objectors.

·         Stop using national service conscripts as forced labor.

·         Implement the 1997 constitution, approve a political party law, and begin preparations for democratic elections with international monitoring throughout the process.

·         Issue standing invitations to UN special procedures, and allow independent monitors such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and UN and African Commission special mechanisms access (such as the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment) to Eritrea’s detention facilities.

·         Sign, ratify, and enforce the Convention against Torture; the Rome Statute; the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance; Optional Protocols to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; and the International Labour Organizations’ Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention.

 

Annex Relevant Human Rights Watch and other reporting since 2009

Human Rights Watch, Hear No Evil: Forced Labor and Corporate Responsibility in Eritrea’s Mining Sector (Jan. 2013), available at http://www.hrw.org/reports/2013/01/15/hear-no-evil;

Human Rights Watch, Ten Long Years: A Briefing on Eritrea’s Missing Political Prisoners (Sept. 2011), available at http://www.hrw.org/reports/2011/09/24/ten-long-years

Human Rights Watch, Service for Life: State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea (Apr. 2009), available at http://www.hrw.org/reports/2009/04/15/service-life-0

Human Rights Watch, press release, “Israel: Detained Asylum Seekers Pressured to Leave,” 13 Mar. 2013, http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/03/13/israel-detained-asylum-seekers-pressured-leave.

Human Rights Watch, press release, “Sudan: End Mass Summary Deportations of Eritreans,” 25 Oct. 2011, http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/10/25/sudan-end-mass-summary-deportations-eritreans

Human Rights Watch, press release “Italy: Offer to Shelter Eritreans Detained, Abused by Libya,” 9 Jul. 2010, http://www.hrw.org/news/2010/07/08/italy-offer-shelter-eritreans-detained-abused-libya

*

See also Amnesty International, Eritrea: 20 Years of Independence but Still No Freedom (May 2013), available at http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR64/001/2013/en/64b58cdf-a431-499c-9830-f4d66542c8da/afr640012013en.pdf.

Committee to Protect Journalists, Attacks on the Press 2012: Eritrea(Feb. 2013), http://www.cpj.org/2013/02/attacks-on-the-press-in-2012-eritrea.phphttp://www.cpj.org/2013/02/attacks-on-the-press-in-2012-eritrea.php


[1]Press Statement by the Government of Eritrea, 9 October 2013, published in Eritrea Profile, 12 October 2013, p. 1, available at http://50.7.16.234/eritrea-profile/eritrea_profile_12102013.pdf.

[2] Cecilia M. Bailliet, “Examining Sexual Violence in the Military within the Context of Eritrean Asylum Claims Presented in Norway,” 19 International Journal of Refugee Law, pp. 12-13 (2007).

[3]Mahmoud Sherifo v. Eritrea, opinion no. 3/2002 U.N. Doc. E/CN/2003/8Add.1.

[4]Zegveld v. State of Eritrea, communication250/2002, Nov 2003, and Article 19. v. State of Eritrea, communication 275/2003.

[5] Other frequent inhumane punishments are described in Human Rights Watch reports listed in the Annex to this submission. See also Special Rapporteur report, ¶ 55,

[6]Press Statement by the Government of Eritrea.  See n. 1, above.

source :www.asmarino.com

 

ምስጢራዊ ዜናታት ደንበ ህግደፍ

posted by : malachi_ss

ምንጭታት ኤርትራዊ ስምረት ንደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ካብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ፡-

  1. ብመሰረት ስምምዕ ጉጅለ ህግደፍን መንግስቲ ኢራንን ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ብጀካን’ቲ ዝተዋህቦም ሰለስተ ደሴታት፡ ከም ራብዓይ መደበር ኣብ ገምገም ባሕሪ ኣብ መንጎ ገልዓሎን ማርሳ ፋጥማን ዝርከብ ዓኬሎ ዝተባህለ ቦታ፡ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ኢራናውያን ዝነበርዎን ተዓጽዩ ዝነበረን ዳግማይ ተዋሂብዎም ምህላዉ፡ በዚ መሰረት ከኣ ካብ ኢራንን ካብ የመንን ሑተይን ካብ ዝተባህለ ከባቢ ዝመጹ፡ ኣብ ከባቢ ማይ ኣጣልን ሳዋን ይዕለሙ ከም ዘለዉ፡ ናይዚ ዕማም’ዚ ሓላፍነት ዝተሰከሙ ካብ ተቓወምቲ ኢትዮጵያ ካብ የመን ካብ ሑተይን ዝመጸ ካብ ኤርትራ ድማ ኣብርሃ ካሳን ሜጀር ጀረናል ተኽለ ማንጆስን ምዃኖም፡-
  2. መንግስቲ ስዑድያ ኣብ ገማግም ቀይሕ ባሕሪ መደበራት ኢራን ምህላዉ፡ ኩሉ ግዜ ንጸጥትኡ ኣስጋኢ ሓደጋ ጌይሩ ስለ ዝወስድ፡ ምስ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኣብ ገለ ምርድድዳእ ምብጽሖም፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ምስ መንግስቲ ኢራን ዘለዎ ስምምዕ ደው ምስ ዘብል መንግስቲ ስዑድያ ናይ ነዳድን ሎጂስቲክን ሓገዛት ክገብር መብጽዓ ምእታዉ፡ በዚ መሰረት’ውን ካብ መንግስቲ ስዑድያ ንጉጅለ ህግደፍ ዕርቡን ምብጽሑ፡-
  3. ኣብ ትሕቲ ሜጀር ጀረናል ተኽለ ማንጆስ እናተሓብሓቡ ዘለዉ ተቓወምቲ ኢትዮጵያ ካብ ግብጽን ኢማራትን ሓገዝ ክወሃቦም ምዃኑ፡ በዚ መሰረት ኣብ ቀዋሚ መደበራት ዝርከቡ ብፍላይ’ውን ኣብ ከባቢ ጀበል ሓምድ፡ ጉልጅ ሓሬና፡ ከባቢ ጋሽ ባርካ ጀርበትን ኣንቶረን ዘለው ተቓወምቲ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ጽዑቕ ኣኼባታት ምቕናዮም፡-
  4. ዑደት መራሒ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ ንሱዳን፡ መጀመርያ ብምምሕዳር ዞባ ፖርት ሱዳን ዝተገበርሉ ዕድመ’ኳ እንተነበረ፡ ብድሕሪኡ ግን ኣብቲ ሰለስተ መዓልቲ ዝወሰደ ቅንያቱ ምስ ፕረሲደንት ዑመር ኣልበሽር፡ ኣብ ብዙሕ ጉዳያት ተሰማሚዖም ምህላዎም፡ ኣብ ክልቲኡ ሃገራት ዝርከቡ ተቓውምቲ ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ዘለዉ ተቓወምቲ ሱዳን ብጉጅለ ህግደፍ ሞራላዊ ይኹን ሎጂስቲካዊ ሓገዛት ደው ክብል፡ ብኣንጻሩ ከኣ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሱዳን ምንቅስቓስ ውድባት ኤርትራ ንምድራትን ንምግታእን ካድራት ብጽዑቕ ክሰርሕሉ፡ ከምኡ’ውን ኣብ ሱዳን ዝርከቡ ስደተኛታት መንነት ሱዳን ክወሃቦም፡ ነዚ መሰረት ብዝገበረ ብመንግስቲ ሱዳን ዝተመዘዘት ኣብ ዝመጽእ ዘሎ ሰሙናት፡ ኣብ ኩሉ መደበራት ሱዳን ዑደት ክትገብር ምዃና፡ ንተቓወምቲ ወድባት ኤርትራ ዝምልከት፡ ካብ መንግስቲ ሱዳን ዝተመዘዘ ኣርባዕተ ዝኣባላቱ ኮሚቴ ሕሉፍ ዝተዋህበ ንብረትን ብረትን ብህጹጽ ከረኽቡ፡ ምንቅስቓስ ደው ከብሉ፡ ነፍሲ ወከፍ ውድብ ከኣ ነዚ ግብራዊ ክገብር ፎርም ክመልእን ብኡ ክምእዘዝን የፈርምዎም ከም ዘለዉ፡-
  5. ምስዚ ብምትሕሓዝ ብጉጅለ ህግደፍ ንመንግስቲ ሱዳን ዝቐረበ ጠለብ፡ መንግስቲ ሱዳን ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ብስንኪ ዶባዊ ግጭት ዝተፈጥረ ቅርሕንትታት ንምፍታሕ እጃሙ ክጻወት፡ ብወገኑ ፕረሲደንት ዑመር ኣልበሺር ድማ ኣብ መንጎ ክልቲኡ ሃገራት ዘሎ ሽግር ንምፍታሕ ኩሉ ዝኸኣሎ ክገብር ቃል ምእታዉ፡ ካብዚ መሰረት ብምግባር’ውን ብድሕሪኡ ዝተገበረ ዑደት ቀዳማይ ሚኒስተር ሃይለ-ማርያም ደሳለኝ፡ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ነቲ ኣብ መንጎ ክልቲኡ ሃገራት ዘሎ ሽግራት ምሉእ ብምሉእ ንምፍታሕ ድልው ምህላዉ ምሕባሩ፡ ቀጺሉ’ውን ፕረሲደንት ዑመር ኣልበሺር ኣብ መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ሱዳን ቀሪቡ፡ ሱዳን ምስ ክልቲኡ ሃገራት ጽቡቕ ዝምድናታት ከም ዘለዋ ብምጥቓስ፡ ነቲ ኣብ መንጎኦም ዘሎ ሽግራት ንምፍታሕ ኣውንታዊ ግደ ምግላጹ ዝዝኸር’ዩ።
  6. ገባቲ ኢሳይያስ ቅድሚ ንሱዳን ምጋሹ ኣብ ከባቢ ጋሽ ባርካ ንዝርከብ ዝተፈላለዩ ሓለፍቲ ሰልፍን መንግስትን ኣብ ዘካየዶ ኣኼባታት፡ በዚ ከባቢ’ዚ ብፍላይ ብከሰላን ከባቢኣን ዝግበር ምስግጋር ደቂ ሰባት ምስኡ ተታሓሒዙ ዝግበር ብልሽውናን፡ ንመንግስቱ ኣብ ዘተሓሳስብ ደረጃ ምውዳቑ፡ ኣብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ከኣ ዓቢ ቁጠዐ ዝፈጠረሉ ኩነታት ምህላዉ ብድሕሪ ምግላጹ፡ ምስዚ ምትእስሳር ኣለዎ ዝተባህሉ ሓለፍቲ ክእሰሩ፡ ኣብ ከባቢ ተሰነይ ዝርከቡ ነጋዶ ምስኦም ምትእስሳር ከም ዘለዎም ዝጥርጠሩ ነጋዶ ገሊኦም ክእሰስሩ ገሊኦም ድማ ፍቓድ ንግዲ ክምንጠሉ ምውሳኑ፡ ምንጭታት ኤርትራዊ ስምረት ንደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ (ኤስደለ) ካብ ውሽጢ ኤርትራ ይሕብሩ።

    ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜናን ሓበሬታን

    ኤርትራዊ ስምረት ንደሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ (ኤስደለ)

    10 ታሕሳስ 2013

source : http://www.dehnet.org/

Ethiopia and Eritrea: Brothers at war no more

posted by : malachi_ss

Sunday, 08 December 2013 15:03 Kjetil Tronvoll & Goitom Gebreluel

Ethiopia and Eritrea: Brothers at war no more

New internal and external dynamics are shaping the relations between the two countries.

The relationship between Eritrea and Ethiopia is arguably the most important and volatile in East Africa. The fall-out between the former brothers-in-arms initiated a two-year-long border war in 1998, which claimed around 100,000 causalities, cost billions of dollars, and continues to serve as the main source of regional instability in the Horn of Africa.

The fighting was brought to an end with the signing of the Algiers Peace Agreement and establishment of the Ethiopia-Eritrea Border Commission (EEBC) in 2000. However, Ethiopia’s refusal to implement the rulings of the EEBC prior to negotiations and Eritrea’s insistence on an unconditional and immediate demarcation of the border, have locked the two governments in an intractable stalemate.

Despite the official cessation of hostilities in 2000, Ethiopia and Eritrea continued their war through proxies by supporting various rebel movements throughout the Horn of Africa. In this way, they have been fuelling conflict and instability in each other’s countries as well as the wider region.

Thirteen years after the Algiers Peace Agreement, domestic conditions in both states and the regional geopolitical equation have undergone substantial changes.

Ethiopia lost its long-time strongman, Meles Zenawi, in 2012. There are strong indications that Eritrea is also very likely to see the departure of its own leader, President Isaias Afwerki, in the near future. Moreover, Ethiopia has been experiencing robust economic growth and political stability over the last decade, a development that has also coincided with a significant weakening of its regional adversaries.

The political standoff between Ethiopia and Eritrea has very much been tied to the role, interests and historical experiences of particular individuals and circles that hail from one generation – the Marxist-Leninist student movements turned guerrilla fighters in the 1960s and 1970s. With the political and generational changes that are taking place in both countries, a normalisation of relations between these two states might take place in the not so distant future.

A new chapter

In Addis Ababa, the discourse on Eritrea has evolved from initially being considered a significant military threat next door to that of concerns over state collapse, civil war and its security implications.

Ethiopia’s ruling EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) government faced, as recently as 2007, the tactical alliance of Eritrea, Ethiopian armed rebels and factions in Somalia (such as the Islamic Courts Union – ICU).  To many observers the security equation seemed at that time to be in favour of this alliance.

In a significant turn of developments, Eritrea underwent a process of rapid economic, political and humanitarian decline – a clear indicator of which is its emergence as one of the top refugee producing countries in the world. In Somalia the ICU has been eliminated, and its successor al-Shabab has also been dealt a blow that it is unlikely to recover from.

Ethiopian authorities are adamant about the normalisation of relations and economic integration of the two nations.

Armed Ethiopian insurgent groups, such as the Oromo Liberation Front and Ogaden National Liberation Front, have largely declined, due to, among other things, their inability to remain cohesive. In addition to this, the Ethiopian economy – and consequently its military power – has undergone sustained growth over the last decade.

Asmara’s support for Somali-based rebel groups made it an international pariah and target of a regime under UN sanctions. Although Eritrea is not the only actor to engage in such actions (Ethiopia harbours a dozen Eritrean rebel-groups), the consequences have been particularly severe for Eritrea. This is mainly due to its choice of allies in Somalia, which happened to be at loggerheads with much of the regional and international community. President Isaias Afwerki’s inability to play the diplomatic game and persuade the international community to support, or at least understand his viewpoint, created conducive conditions for the late PM Zenawi – who succeeded where Afwerki failed.

The main concern for policy-makers in Addis Ababa is no longer Asmara’s military capacity, but rather the possibility of Eritrea plunging into chaos. This fear is apparently so daunting to Ethiopia that it may prefer a reformed Eritrean government led by People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), rather than the insecurities of a violent power transition next door.

On two occasions this year the current Ethiopian PM Hailemariam Desalegn has signalled his government’s interest in dialogue and his willingness to go to Asmara at anytime for peace talks without any pre-conditions.

The delicate issue of Bademe

At the heart of the stalemate are symbolic politics and domestic constraints on both sides – of which the contested border-town of Bademe is an embodiment.

It is very possible that the EPRDF will hand over the symbolic town of Bademe to Eritrea – which was awarded to the latter by the EEBC – but it can only get away with such a move domestically by selling it as a necessary sacrifice for a comprehensive and durable peace. The fact that the individuals leading the current Ethiopian government did not take part in the decision-making processes of the border war and subsequent peace agreement means that they are less constrained by the commitments of their predecessors.

For President Afwerki, on the other hand, the stakes are much higher. In fact, resolving the stalemate is likely to create more challenges than benefits to his personal power base. The suspension of the parliament and the constitution, the universal and indefinite military conscription policy, and in general the system of one-man rule have all been justified by the need to counter the “Ethiopian threat”. A settlement of the border issue would eliminate the rationale for maintaining this system and would undoubtedly lead to new domestic demands for addressing the nation’s many political and humanitarian problems.

‘Brothers at war’

Sentimental notions of brotherhood, betrayal, and ethnic-stereotypes have shaped the manner in which Ethiopia’s EPRDF and Eritrea’s PFDJ ruling parties have been relating to each other since the days of the guerrilla struggle.

It is now time to think about what the relationship between these two states will look like without the two omnipresent strongmen that have heavily shaped their histories.

The cultural and political intimacy and sense of fraternity that developed during their time as rebel movements led both parties to delay institutionalising the relationship between their newly established regimes in 1993 – and thus made possible the border war. These sentimental aspects also played an important role in making the conflict prolonged and eventually intractable.

This sense of “intimacy” has also had some positive implications. One such effect is the preferential treatment given to Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia – who now number around 100,000 people. Eritrean refugees – provided that they satisfy certain criteria – are given residency and work permits and the opportunity to study in Ethiopian universities (as opposed to refugees from other neighbouring countries). Around 1,200 university scholarships have so far been offered to Eritrean refugees.

However, the passing of time has brought with it substantial changes, and the more than a decade-long political and physical barriers  led to an increasing cultural disconnectedness even among the people that live along the border. In Addis Ababa and other urban centres, it is even more challenging to arouse interest for Eritrean affairs among the average Ethiopian.

Post-Zenawi and post-Afwerki

A refugee crisis, high-level defections, and a recent mutiny in the army, are some of many indications that Afwerki’s regime is facing an existential threat that may lead to its demise in the near future.

Afwerki is now on “survival mode” and may engage in new and desperate gestures to prolong his time in power, such as opening up to the international community for dialogue and humanitarian aid. However, if his past behaviour is anything to go by, such moves are only likely to be tactical survival manoeuvres that will not reverse the current political trajectory.

It is now time to think about what the relationship between these two states will look like without the two omnipresent strongmen that have heavily shaped their histories.

In Ethiopia this process of change has already begun, and the time when both countries will be led by a generation without the historical and political baggage inherited from the liberation war, the border war and subsequent peace settlement might not be far ahead in time. Free from these constraints, the post-Afwerki and post-Zenawi Eritrea-Ethiopia relations will most likely, not only be normalised, but also much more institutionalised.

Kjetil Tronvoll is a professor of peace and conflict studies at Bjorknes College, and Senior Partner at the International Law and Policy Institute. He has written Brothers at War: Making Sense of the Ethiopian-Eritrean War and The Lasting Struggle for Freedom in Eritrea: Human Rights and Political Development, 1991-2009.

Goitom Gebreluel is an advisor at the International Law and Policy Institute. He has previously worked for the Norwegian government (Norad) and taught foreign policy studies at Mekelle University, Ethiopia.

source: www.asmarino.com

ስርሒት ዲምህት – ኮሎኔል (ካብ ገዛባንዳ)

 posted by: malachi_ss

ስርሒት ዲምህት – ኮሎኔል (ካብ ገዛባንዳ)

Dec 7, 2013

ስርሒት ዲምህት

ኮሎኔል (ካብ ገዛባንዳ)

ዲምህት መንዩ? ከመይን ስለምንታይን’ከ ተፈጢሩ? ብዙሕ ምትንታን ዘድልዮን ዘዛርብ ታሪኽ ዘለዎ ጉጅለ ክሳብ ዘይኮነ ግዜ ክነጥፋኣሉ ኣይምተገበአን፡፡ ሕማቕ ዕድል ገይርና ግና ታሪኽ ጀጋኑና፡ ህዝብናን ሃገርናን ጠሊሙ ታሪኽ ንዘይብሎምን ጓኖት ኣሕሊፉ ዝሃበና ሩኹስ መራሒ ክሳብ ዝሃለወና እንከይፈተና ምስዘይመዛርብትና ክንዛረብ ክንግደድ ኢና፡፡ ብኢሳያስ ተፈጢሩ፡ ብኢሳያስ ተጠሚቑ፡ ንስርሒት ኣስመራ ተዋፊሩ ንጥፍኣትና ኣብ ቀደማይ መስርዕ ተሰሊፉ ዝርከብ ዲምህት፡፡

ታሪኽ ዝጎሓፎ፡ ናይ ገዛእ ርእሱ ዕላማ ዘይብሉ፡ ዕሱብ መጋበርያ ኢሳያስ ዝኾነ ጉጅለ ዲምህት፡ ብ1999 ወርሒ 2 ኣስመራ እዩ ተሰኒዑ፡፡ ዝሰንዖ ከኣ ኢሳያስ’ዩ፡፡ ቀዲሙ ዝተሰነዐ ወይ በኳሪ ካብ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ሰሊሙ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘዕቆበ ሰብ ኣብ ትካል ጸጥታ ኢትዮጵያ ምክትል ደብረጽዮን ገብረሚካኤል ምንባሩ ዝልፍልፍ ዝነበረ ፍስሃ ሃይለማርያም ተላ ዝተብሃለ ተጋዳላይ ወያነ’ዩ፡፡

እቲ ንድፊ ብኢሳያስ ምስተሰነዐ ንትግባረኡ ዝተረባረቡ በዓል ወዲ ካሳን የማነ ማንክን’ዮም ነይሮም፡፡  ፍስሃ ሃ/ማርያም ፊውቶራሪ እቲ ጉጅለ ክኸውን ከይተሓለሎም ሰሪሖም፡፡ ምትእኽኻብ እዚ ጉጅለ ኣፍዓበት ኣብ ሻባይ መንደር ዝነበሩ ሙሩኻትን ስሉማትን ካብ ዝተፈላለዩ ዓድታትን ከተማታትን ብሓይልታት ጸጥታ ተታሒዞም ዝተኣሰሩ ኣብ ሸቕሊ ዝነበሩ ትግራዎትን ኣተኣኻኺቦም ነቲ ጉጅለ መልክዕ ከትሕዙ ሙሎበር (ሓዱሽ መዓስከር) ክቐውም ገይሮም፡፡

ብገንኡ መራሕቲ”ዚ ጉጅለ ክኾኑ ብበዓል ወዲ ካሳ ካብ ዝተሓረዩ ሰባት ሓደ ኣስመራ ተወሊዱ ዝዓበየ ተወልደ ግደይን ድሕሪ ምጅማር ኩናት ካብ ወያነ ከዲዑ ኤርትራ ዘዕቆበ ፍስሃ ሃ/ማርያምን እኳ እንተነበሩ፡ ንይምሰል እስከ መራሕትኹም ባዕልካትኩም ምረጹ ዝተብሃሉ ኣባላት እቲ ጉጅለ ንዝተውሃቦም ዕድል ከይነሓፉ የማነ ድምጹ፡ ገረዝጊሄር ወለገሪማን መድሚዳይን ዝበሃሉ ብዝለዓለ ድምጺ መረጹ፡፡

ካብ ድሌቶም ወጻእ ብዝኸደ ምርጫ ዝተቖጥዑ በዓል ኢሳያስ፡ ወዲ ካሳ፡ ተኽለ ማንጁስን ለኒንን ኣብ ውሽጢ’ቶም ብወለንታ ኣባላት ዝተምርጹ መሪሕነት ብስም ኣማኻሪ ዝሓናኽሮም ሰብ መደቡ፡፡ እቲ ሰብ መጀር ዳዊት ዘርኣይ ናትና ናይ ህ.ግ.ሓ.ኤ ተጋዳላይ እዩ፡፡ ክሳብ ሕጂ ከኣ ምስ በዓል ለኒን ኣሎ፡፡ ብጉልባብ ኣማኻሪ ብመደብ ኣብ ውሽጦም ኣትዩ በታቲዕዎም፡፡ ኣብ መወዳእትኡ ንበዓል ገ/ሄር ወለገሪማ፡ ክፍለን መድሚዳይን ብህይወቶም ክጠፍኡ ገይርዎም፡፡ በታ ዝለመድዋ ባህሪ ቃንዮም ብኢሳያስ ዝተብሃገ ፍስሃ ሃ/ማርያምን ንመማልእቲ ዝተሓውሰ የማነ ድምጹን ሓለፍቲ ተኺሎም፡፡

ፍስሃ ሃ/ማርያም ኣብ መራኽቦ ብዙሃን ሃገርና ብዛዕባ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያን ሓይልታት ጸጥትኡን ብዙሕ እዩ ሃውቲቱ፡፡ በዚ ዝነደሩ ሓይልታት ጸጥታ ኢትዮጵያ ንፍስሃ ሃ/ማርያም ብህይወት ይደልይዎ ስለዝነበሩ ንግዜ ጥራይ ክጽበይዋ ድሕሪ ምጽናሕ ምስኡ ኣብ መኪንኡ ብዝተሳፈረ ኤርትራዊ ዜጋ ስጉምቲ ወሲዶምሉ፡፡ ቅድሚ እዚ ስጉምቲ ነቲ ኣብ ወትሃደራዊ መሪሕነት ዝነበረ የማነ ድምጹ ዝተብሃለ ተጋዳላይ ኣብ ትሕቲ ክትትልን ጥርጣረን በዓል ወዲካሳ ከምዝነበረ ኣቐዲሞም ዝፈለጡ ወያነ ኣብ ልዕሊ ፍስሃ ሃ/ማርያም ቅድሚ ዝውሰድ ስጉምቲ ቀልጢፉ ክወጽእ ተኣዚዙ ዝሓዘ ሒዙ ወጺኡ ጸኒሑ፡፡

ብስጉምታት ሓይልታት ጸጥታ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ውሽጢ እቲ ዕጡቕ ጉጅለ ታሕጓስ ተፈጢሩ፡፡ እቲ ጉጅለ ከም ጉጅለ ንምፍራስ ኣብ ዕራርቦ ጸሓይ በጺሑ ነይሩ፡፡ ዲምህት ክፈርስ ከምዘይብሉ ለይትን ቀትርን ዝሰርሑ በዓል ተኽለ ማንጁስ፡ ወዲካሳ፡ ለኒን ዳግም ነዚ ሓይሊ ትልኽ ከብልዎ ፈቲኖም፡፡ ሞላ ኣስገዶም ዝበሃል ወዲ ዓዘቦታይ ናብ መሪሕነት ኣምጺኦመሞ፡፡ ብዓቕሚ ሰቡ ንምጥንኻር ካብ ዶባት ኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ምስ ኣሓ ዝወፈሩ ህጻውንቲ ጓሶት እንዳዓፈኑን እንዳታለሉን ኣብ ዓሽ ጋላ ሓሪና፡ ዓላ፡ ዒን፡ ዊዓን ማይ ኣጣልን ብበዓል ሌ/ኮሎኔል ጀማል ዓላሚ ፍሉያት ሓይልታት ኤርትራ እንዳ ዓለሙን እንዳዕጠቑን ሂወት ክዘርእሉ ፈቲኖም፡፡

ዲምህት ካብ ዝምስረት ክሳብ ሕጂ ኣብ ልዕሊ መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ዝፈጸሞ ስርሒታት እንታይ ኣሎ? ሓሓሊፎም ኣብ መጓዓዝያ ህዝብን ፓሎታት ኳረንትን ዝትኮስ ነተጉቲ ካብ ምፍጻም ዘይሓልፍ ጠርቋሽ ሽርሒታት እንተነይሮም’ውን ንዓና ንኤርትራውያን ንግዳይ ግብረ መልሲ ዝገብር እንተዘይኮይኑ ዘድምዕ ስራሕ ሰሪሑ ኣይሰማዕናን፡፡

ንስኹምስ ብረሳሕ ሳንቡእ እንዳማትኩም እንዳተንፈስኩም ክሳብ መዓስ ክትነብሩ፡ ንዑ ደኣ ሕደግዎ ዞም ደቅና ንዓድኹም ኪዱ፡፡ እንተ’ቲ መንግስትኹም ይትረፍ ንዓኹም ንደቅና እኳ የዕቑቦም ኣሎ፡፡ ብምባል ዝመኽሮም ወለዲ ነይሮምን ኣለውን፡፡ ንምኽሪ ለባማት ሰሚዖም ዝጠፍኡ፡ ብኢሳያስ እንተተጨፍሊቕና ዘእውየልና የብልናን መሬት ሓዲኣ ክሳብ ትወልድ ክንጽበ ኢና ኢሎም ፈሪሖም ዝነብሩ፡ ውሑዳት ከኣ ኣንስቶም ከይተረፈ ቀቲሎም ዝኣተው፡ ሞባእ ቤተክርስትያን ዝሰረቑ፡ ናይ ኣለቃሕቲ ትካላት ሰልዲ ዝበልዑ፡ ብዝፈጸምዎ ዝተፈላለየ ገበን ከይሕተቱ ዝሰግኡ መምለሲ የብልናን ኢሎም ከም ሽፍታ ክሳብ መዓልቶም ዝጽበዩን ስለ ፖለቲካ ዋላ ሓንቲ ዘይፈልጡ ከም ፓፓጋሎ ዘዝተብሃሎም ዝደግሙን ኣለው፡፡

ጉጅለ ዲምህት ኣዘውቲሮም ናብ መሬት ትግራይ ይዘምቱ እዮም፡፡ ዘሚቶም እንታይ ተዓዊቶም ግን ባዶ እዮም፡፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ወያነ ዘድምዕ ስርሒት ዘይምምዝጋቦም ቀንዲ ምኽንያት ብወያነ ስለተሰልኩ’ዩ፡፡ ካልእ ይትረፍ ነቲ ጉጅለ ኣብ ምምራሕ ዝርከብ  ሞላ አስገዶም ከይተረፈ ብወያነ ዝተወደበ’ዩ፡፡ ነዚ ሚስጢር ገለ ዕጡቋት እቲ ጉጅለ ከይተረፉ ዝፈልጥዎ’ዩ፡፡

ስለዚ ሓይልታት ጸጥታ ወያነ ብመገዲ ጉጅለ ዲምህት ንኤርትራውያን ይመርሓና ኣሎ፡፡ ጉጅለ ዲምህት ኣብ ኣስመራ ኣትዩ “ማስታወቅያ” እንዳበለ ንመንነትና ክሓትት፡ ክፍትሽ፡ ጸሊም ማስኬራ ወድዩ ካብ ቤት ናብ ቤት እንዳዞረ ህዝብና ከከላብት፡ ስነ-ልቦናና ብጽጹይን ብቐረባን ክፈልጥ ዕድል ካብ ረኸበ ፈተና ጸላእና ኣብ ቁጽጽር ዲምህት ጥራይ ዘይኮና እንተላይ ኣብ ቁጽጽር ወያነ ከምዘለና ክንፈልጥ ይግበኣና፡፡ ዕድመ ንኢሳያስ! ሉኣላዊት ኤርትራ ብዶባታ ጥራይ ዘይኮነት ተደፊራ ኣብ ሕንብርቲ ዓዲ ማእከል ከተማኣ’ውን’ያ ተደፊራ፡፡

ኢሳያስ ንዕጡቋት ዲምህት ክንድ’ዚ ዝኣክል ሓላፍነት ስለምንታይ ኣሕሊፉ ሂብዎም? ንስልኳ ወያነ ኸ ይፈልጥ ድዩ? ንስልኳ ወያነ ይፍለጥ ኣይፍለጥ ከም ኮሎኔልን ኮሎኔላትን እንፈልጦ የብልናን፡፡ እንተ’ቲ ወፍሪ ዲምህት ኣብ ኣስመራ ለንቅነ ግን ድሕሪ ሓደጋ ደሴት ላንፔዱዛ ኢጣልያ ዝሰዓበ ተርእዮ’ዩ፡፡

እቲ ጠንቂ ከኣ ኢሳያስ ንምዱብ ሰራዊት፡ ነቲ ኣብ ቀረባ ልዕሊ ኹሉ ከምዝኣምኖ ዝምከሓሉ ዝነበረ ህዝባዊን ዕቑርን ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ኣብ ሓጺር ግዜ እምነቱ ኣጉዲሉ፡፡ ነንባዕለሎም ተሓላሊፎም ኣይወሃሃቡን ብኣንጻሩ ንዓይ ኣሕሊፎም ክህቡኒ እዮም ኢሉ ጠርጢሩ፡፡ ኣብ ክንድኡ ከኣ ነቲ ብምኽንያት ግዳያት ላንፔዱዛ ካብ ህዝቢ ክስዕብ ይኽእል እዩ ኢሉ ዝሰግኦ ህዝባዊ ተቓዉሞ ብዕጡቋት ዲምህት ክከላኸሎ ስርሒት ብድምህት ኣዚዙ፡፡ ስለዚ ዲምህት ልዕሊ’ቲ እሙን ሰራዊት ኢሳያስ’ዩ ተባሂሉ ዝዕለለሉ ኣሃዱ ፍሉይ ሓይልታት ክ/ሰ 84 እውን ተሰሪዑ ከምዘሎ ተረጋጊጹ’ዩ፡፡

ኣብ ልዕሊ ህዝቢ ዶብ ዝሓለፎ ኩቱር ንዕቀት ዘለዎ ኢሳያስ ብተግባራቱን ተግባራት ልኡኻቱ ጉጅለ ዲምህትን ህዝቢ ኣስመራ ከምዝነደረ ምስተዓዘበ ንካድራቱ ልኢኹ ብወግዓውን ዘይወግዓውን ኣብ ምምሕዳር ከባቢታት ዝዘርግሖ ወረታት ካብ ቋሓይንን ሰንዓፈን ዶባዶብ ዝሰሓብናዮም ዕጡቋት እዮም፡፡ ምስ ትግራዎት ተመሳሳሊ ላሃጃታት ስለዘለዎም ዲምህት መሲልኩም’ምበር ኣይኮኑን፡፡ ይቕሬታ ከምዚ ዘቑጠዓኩም ኣይመሰለናን፡፡ ዲምህት እንተዋፈርናዮም ከ እንታይ ጌጋ ኣለዎ ዘይንሕና ዓሊምናዮም ኣዕጢቕናዮም ንቕልቦም ዘለና፡፡ ዝኣመሰሉ ነንበይኖም መልስታት ክህቡ ቀንዮም፡፡ ኤርትራውያን እንተዝኾኑ ከም ጥሩፋት (ኣሸበርቲ) ጸሊም ማስኬራ ዘውዲ እንታይ ኣለዎም’ዩ? ኣየናይ ከባቢታት ዶብ’ዩ ኸ “ማስታወቅያ” ዝብል ቃል ዝጥቀም? ጉጅለ ኢሳያስ ዘይምልሶ ሕቶታት’ዩ፡፡

ኣብ ልዕሊ’ዚ ኢሳያስ ዝሓሰቦ ተንኮል ኣብ ሞንጎ ኤርትራውያንን ተጋሩን ተወሳኺ ደም ንምቅባእ ጽልኣት ኤርትራውያን ኣብ ልዕሊ ተጋሩ ክዓቢ ንምግባር ዝተወጠነ መርዛም ውጥን ከይኮነ’ውን ኣይክተርፍን፡፡

ዝበስበሰ ስርዓት ኩሉ ግዜ ናብ ጓሓፉ ኣብ ዝተቓረበሉ ዝሓስቦ ናይ ዓቕሊ ጽበት ሓሳብ ኣለዎ፡፡ ኣብ ኣጋ ውድቀት ደርጊ 1989/90 ኣብ ኣስመራ ሌትናል ጀነራል ተስፋይ ገብረኺዳን ዘጣየሶ ‘’ትግራይ ግሩፕ’’ (TG) ዝበሃል ዓፋኝ ፈጢሩ ነይሩ፡፡ እዚ ሓይሊ’ዚ ቀንዲ ዕላምኡ ኣብ ሞንጎ ትግራዎትን ኤርትራውያንን ጎንጺ ንምብላሕ ነንባዕሎም ንምውዳእ ዝተወጠነ ሓደገኛ ውጥን ምንባሩ ይዝከር፡፡ ኣብ ልዕሊ ተጋደልቲ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራን ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይን ዘብጸሖ ጉድኣት’ውን ኣቃሊልካ ዝረአ ኣይነበረን፡፡ ኣብ መወዳእትኡ ብናይ ክልቲኦም ውድባት ሓበራዊ ቃልሲ ኣብ ራማ ክሳብ ዳዕሮ ተኽሊ መኪቶሞ ሕልሚ ተስፋይ ገረኪዳን ሕልሚ ቀትሪ ገይሮሞ፡፡ ብልክዕ’ዛ ናይ ኢሳያስ ውዲት’ውን ኣካል ናይዛ ብሌ/ጀነራል ተስፋይ ገብረኪዳን ዝተምሃዘት’ያ ትመስል፡፡ ኣብ ዕራርቦ ዝርከቡ ዝኸሰሩ፡ ብድሕረይ ዳንዴር ኣይትብቆላ ዝመትከሎም ዲክታቶራት ኣብ ዕርበቶም ዝጥቀምሉ ናይ መወዳእታ ምህዞ’ዩ፡፡ ኣጀማምረአን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ መፈጸምተአን’ውን ሓደ ከምዝኸውን ግን ጥርጥር የብሉን፡፡ ክሳብ መፈጸምትኣ ግን ክልቲኦም ህዝብታት ብኣቓልቦ ክከታተሉዋን ግዳይ ተንኮል ኢሳያስ ከይኾኑ ክነቕሑላን ይግባእ፡፡ ‘’መለበምን ኣይግበርካ መለበምን ከ ኣይኽላእካ’’ ይብሉ ሰብ ቀደም፡፡

source : http://www.forto21.nselam.com

Egypt’s Sinai: Trafficking, torture and fear

       posted by : malachi_ss

 
           

Migrant labourers and refugees are often kidnapped, abused and killed by networks of traffickers.             

                            Last updated: 06 Dec 2013 12:42                                      
               
 

 
An Egyptian army operation has targeted armed groups and traffickers in the Sinai [Louisa Loveluck/Al Jazeera]

North Sinai, Egypt – Puckered flesh has knitted across Idriss’ shoulder, masking the deep gash below. Four months earlier, his captors had scooped the skin out with a blade. The back of his Eritrean companion, Birikti, is seared with scars. The men had placed red-hot strips of wood inside her dress, and then handed her a phone. “They told me to call my parents and ask for $30,000,” she says.

Idriss and Birikti are victims of one of the world’s most under-reported and sadistic crimes: Human trafficking. In Egypt’s North Sinai, a small patch of desert territory close to the Israeli border, migrants seeking a better life are often kidnapped and tortured by traffickers. Over mobile phones, families back home are forced to listen to the screams and then told to hand over ransoms of up to $50,000 (£30,000) to make the torture stop.

Since 2007, as many as 30,000 migrants – mostly Eritreans – have been held and tortured by Sinai-based human traffickers.

Many had dreamed of a fresh start in Israel, which has a growing community of African workers and so far has refrained from mass deportations of undocumented immigrants. Instead, deceived by their would-be helpers, they are held for months in underground rooms just a few metres wide. These “stores”, as escapees call them, are hidden from view in the sparsely populated North Sinai desert.

Escalation

In a disturbing new trend, the traffickers have started directly seizing people just for the purpose of extortion instead of taking them while they are being transported to Israel. Many are taken from Sudan’s refugee camps. Others, like Birikti, are kidnapped from the Sudanese city of Kessala.

Sitting in the North Sinai home of a local sheikh, she described her ordeal to Al Jazeera: “I was arrested by the border police and handed to a tribe.” She said she had gone to Sudan to work. “They held my nose and poured liquid into my mouth. I do not remember anything between that and the store in the desert.”

Many allege that refugees are sold to members of the Racheida, a tribe living on the border of Eritrea and Sudan. They are later passed on to contacts in Sinai, most of whom, allegedly, hail from local Bedouin tribes that dominate the north of the peninsula.

I saw people die in my cell.The only thought in my mind was ‘please, kill me too’

– Birikti, kidnapped migrant

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Some migrants are released, or escape to Cairo. Others are left wandering the desert, risking starvation or arrest by Egyptian or Israeli border guards.

Photos of Birikti at the time of her escape show skin branded by deep burns. The scars are still visible four months later, and her feet remain blackened by the electric shocks.

“I saw people die in my cell,” she said. “The only thought in my mind was ‘please, kill me too’.” According to new research, around a quarter of the hostages die or are killed in captivity.

Echoes of Birikti and Idriss’ stories can be found in hundreds of other testimonies collected by Human Rights Watch. Rights groups estimate that thousands have died at the hands of the traffickers. Common methods of abuse include beating with metal rods, electrocution, burning with molten plastic, and the insertion of piping into the captives’ vaginas and anuses. Sexual abuse is routine, and victims include children as young as 14.

Birikti’s ordeal ended after a local sheikh, Mohammed Ali, led an armed raid on the store in which she was held in July.

“When we heard about the intensive torture of these people, including one old woman who had been raped, we were horrified,” Sheikh Mohammed told Al Jazeera. “This is a crime against our religion. We found the owner outside the store and he was forced to let us in [because] we were ten men. We found some terrible cases inside, including one 14-year-old boy in an individual cell. We took the hostages with us, as well as two of the guards outside the building.”

Operation Sinai

North Sinai is now the focus of a military operation by the Egyptian army, as it attempts to extinguish an armed insurgency that has gained momentum in the five months since Egypt’s Islamist President Mohamed Morsi was deposed in a military coup.

 
Egypt intensifies Sinai security operations

Military checkpoints and a driving curfew beginning at 4pm have made escaping from Sinai difficult. For now, Birikti and Idris remain in limbo, waiting for the army’s campaign to end.

“The armed forces are conducting a military operation in Sinai against three things: Terrorism, drug trafficking and human trafficking,” said Badr Abdellatty the Egyptian Foreign Ministry’s spokesperson.

“We have a legal framework which makes trafficking a crime, and we now have an increased commitment to implementing this. I believe the armed forces have managed to disrupt a lot of the traffickers’ activities and arrested many members of their gangs. It’s a serious issue and it’s been there for years. But now things are getting better.”

The operation is also targeting the traffickers, and a handful of their houses have been destroyed or damaged in raids. But their captives are also being punished. Since July, the Egyptian authorities have arrested at least 144 undocumented African migrants in the area.

North Sinai residents say the army’s campaign has reduced the flow of new migrants to a trickle. “When it started, they drove the hostages away in a jeep,” a farmer Al Jazeera. “But when the army goes, they’ll be back. They are a part of this community, after all.”

After Al Jazeera’s visit to North Sinai, local residents reported that nine new migrants had since arrived in Sinai’s underground stores.

As members of the tribes that inhabit much of North Sinai, the traffickers have close ties with local communities. But as the torture methods grow more extreme, residents say a rift is appearing between traffickers and their kinsmen.

“We are angry with those who work in trafficking,” said Said, the brother of a prominent local sheikh. “Two of their homes were hit by the military operation, and we think that is fair as they were guilty men.” Others say they now refuse to entertain the traffickers in their homes, or greet them in the street. Community censure is a powerful act in this tribal society.

Idriss was tortured by his captors in the Sinai  [Louisa Loveluck/Al Jazeera]

Said is also angry that the government has done so little to end the trade. “When the business was flourishing, we repeatedly told the authorities,” he said. “They told us that it was not a problem and that it was none of their business.”

Amnesty International has condemned the Egyptian government for what it describes as lax enforcement of anti-trafficking laws. “There simply isn’t the political will to do anything about these abuses, particularly not in the current context of a crackdown in the Sinai,” says Nicholas Piachaud, the organisation’s North Africa campaigner.

Survivors’ guilt

Although Cairo-based legal NGOs continue to mount criminal cases against known traffickers, none have been successful to date.

“The testimonies we receive are absolutely haunting,” Piachaud said. “If the refugees escape, they may seem like the lucky ones but they are still living every day with the hell that they’ve been through and the survivor’s guilt over those who remained in the camps, and there’s no help for them.”

As the escapees in North Sinai wait for the day they can leave their safe house, they still speak of their hopes for their future. Idriss says he just wants to make it to Cairo. For Birikti, the dream is a reunion with her children and a job cooking international cuisine.

“Before they took me, I was working as a cook for a Canadian company,” she says. “For the sake of my children and the sake of my mind, I just wish I could to this once again.”

sourc: http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2013/12/egypt-sinai-trafficking-torture-fear-201312682516380563.html

Corruption Perceptions Index 2013 : Eritrea ranks 160 out of 175.

posted by : malachi_ss

Corruption remains a global threat

The Corruption Perceptions Index 2013 serves as a reminder that the abuse of power, secret dealings and bribery continue to ravage societies around the world.

The Index scores 177 countries and territories on a scale from 0 (highly corrupt) to 100 (very clean). No country has a perfect score, and two-thirds of countries score below 50. This indicates a serious, worldwide corruption problem. Hover on the map above to see how your country fares.

The world urgently needs a renewed effort to crack down on money laundering, clean up political finance, pursue the return of stolen assets and build more transparent public institutions.

It is time to stop those who get away with acts of corruption. The legal loopholes and lack of political will in government facilitate both domestic and cross-border corruption, and call for our intensified efforts to combat the impunity of the corrupt.”
Huguette Labelle, Chair, Transparency International
 

Full table and rankings

The Corruption Perceptions Index ranks countries and territories based on how corrupt their public sector is perceived to be. A country or territory’s score indicates the perceived level of public sector corruption on a scale of 0 – 100, where 0 means that a country is perceived as highly corrupt and 100 means it is perceived as very clean. A country’s rank indicates its position relative to the other countries and territories included in the index. This year’s index includes 177 countries and territories.

 
Rank
Country
Score
Surveys Used
CI: Lower
CI: Upper
2012 SCORE
 
 
175
Afghanistan
8
3
3
13
8
 
175
North Korea
8
3
2
14
8
 
175
Somalia
8
4
5
11
8
 
174
Sudan
11
6
5
17
13
 
173
South Sudan
14
3
11
17
0
 
172
Libya
15
6
10
20
21
 
171
Iraq
16
4
12
20
18
 
168
Syria
17
4
11
23
26
 
168
Turkmenistan
17
3
12
22
17
 
168
Uzbekistan
17
6
14
20
17
 
167
Yemen
18
6
14
22
23
 
163
Chad
19
5
13
25
19
 
163
Equatorial Guinea
19
3
15
23
20
 
163
Guinea Bissau
19
4
15
23
25
 
163
Haiti
19
5
14
24
19
 
160
Cambodia
20
7
15
25
22
 
160
Eritrea
20
4
2
38
25
 
160
Venezuela
20
7
16
24
19
 
157
Burundi
21
5
17
25
19
 
157
Myanmar
21
6
15
27
15
 
157
Zimbabwe
21
8
14
28
20
 
154
Congo, Republic of
22
6
16
28
26
 
154
Congo, Democratic Republic of
22
5
15
29
21
 
154
Tajikistan
22
5
16
28
22
 
153
Angola
23
7
18
28
22
 
150
Guinea
24
7
18
30
24
 
150
Kyrgyzstan
24
6
20
28
24
 
150
Paraguay
24
5
19
29
25
 
144
Cameroon
25
8
20
30
26
 
144
Central African Republic
25
4
16
34
26
 
144
Iran
25
6
19
31
28
 
144
Nigeria
25
9
20
30
27
 
144
Papua New Guinea
25
5
18
32
25
 
144
Ukraine
25
8
22
28
26
 
140
Honduras
26
6
22
30
28
 
140
Kazakhstan
26
8
21
31
28
 
140
Laos
26
4
18
34
21
 
140
Uganda
26
8
21
31
29
 
136
Bangladesh
27
7
20
34
26
 
136
Ivory Coast
27
8
23
31
29
 
136
Guyana
27
4
22
32
28
 
136
Kenya
27
8
23
31
27
 
127
Azerbaijan
28
6
22
34
27
 
127
Comoros
28
3
16
40
28
 
127
Gambia
28
5
17
39
34
 
127
Lebanon
28
6
23
33
30
 
127
Madagascar
28
8
25
31
32
 
127
Mali
28
6
23
33
34
 
127
Nicaragua
28
7
24
32
29
 
127
Pakistan
28
8
23
33
27
 
127
Russia
28
9
24
32
28
 
123
Belarus
29
5
22
36
31
 
123
Dominican Republic
29
6
23
35
32
 
123
Guatemala
29
6
25
33
33
 
123
Togo
29
5
23
35
30
 
119
Mauritania
30
5
23
37
31
 
119
Mozambique
30
7
27
33
31
 
119
Sierra Leone
30
8
26
34
31
 
119
East Timor
30
3
25
35
33
 
116
Albania
31
7
28
34
33
 
116
Nepal
31
5
29
33
27
 
116
Vietnam
31
8
27
35
31
 
114
Egypt
32
7
27
37
32
 
114
Indonesia
32
9
26
38
32
 
111
Ethiopia
33
8
29
37
33
 
111
Kosovo
33
3
29
37
34
 
111
Tanzania
33
8
29
37
35
 
106
Argentina
34
8
30
38
35
 
106
Bolivia
34
7
28
40
34
 
106
Gabon
34
5
32
36
35
 
106
Mexico
34
9
31
37
34
 
106
Niger
34
5
28
40
33
 
102
Ecuador
35
6
29
41
32
 
102
Moldova
35
8
30
40
36
 
102
Panama
35
6
31
39
38
 
102
Thailand
35
8
33
37
37
 
94
Algeria
36
6
31
41
34
 
94
Armenia
36
6
30
42
34
 
94
Benin
36
6
30
42
36
 
94
Colombia
36
7
33
39
36
 
94
Djibouti
36
3
22
50
36
 
94
India
36
10
32
40
36
 
94
Philippines
36
9
32
40
34
 
94
Suriname
36
3
31
41
37
 
91
Malawi
37
8
34
40
37
 
91
Morocco
37
8
32
42
37
 
91
Sri Lanka
37
7
34
40
40
 
83
Burkina Faso
38
7
32
44
38
 
83
El Salvador
38
6
35
41
38
 
83
Jamaica
38
6
35
41
38
 
83
Liberia
38
7
33
43
41
 
83
Mongolia
38
7
34
42
36
 
83
Peru
38
7
34
42
38
 
83
Trinidad and Tobago
38
4
30
46
39
 
83
Zambia
38
8
35
41
37
 
82
Swaziland
39
4
36
42
37
 
80
China
40
9
35
45
39
 
80
Greece
40
7
33
47
36
 
77
Bulgaria
41
9
36
46
41
 
77
Senegal
41
9
39
43
36
 
77
Tunisia
41
7
38
44
41
 
72
Bosnia and Herzegovina
42
7
37
47
42
 
72
Brazil
42
8
36
48
43
 
72
Sao Tome and Principe
42
3
34
50
42
 
72
Serbia
42
7
36
48
39
 
72
South Africa
42
9
37
47
43
 
69
Italy
43
7
39
47
42
 
69
Kuwait
43
5
37
49
44
 
69
Romania
43
9
38
48
44
 
67
Macedonia FYR
44
6
36
52
43
 
67
Montenegro
44
4
40
48
41
 
66
Jordan
45
7
41
49
48
 
63
Cuba
46
4
39
53
48
 
63
Ghana
46
9
41
51
45
 
63
Saudi Arabia
46
5
35
57
44
 
61
Oman
47
5
34
60
47
 
61
Slovakia
47
8
39
55
46
 
57
Bahrain
48
5
39
57
51
 
57
Croatia
48
9
43
53
46
 
57
Czech Republic
48
10
43
53
49
 
57
Namibia
48
6
42
54
48
 
55
Georgia
49
6
38
60
52
 
55
Lesotho
49
5
43
55
45
 
53
Malaysia
50
9
44
56
49
 
53
Turkey
50
9
46
54
49
 
52
Mauritius
52
5
50
54
57
 
49
Costa Rica
53
5
46
60
54
 
49
Latvia
53
8
47
59
49
 
49
Rwanda
53
5
44
62
53
 
47
Hungary
54
10
48
60
55
 
47
Seychelles
54
4
41
67
52
 
46
South Korea
55
10
51
59
56
 
45
Malta
56
5
52
60
57
 
43
Lithuania
57
8
51
63
54
 
43
Slovenia
57
9
51
63
61
 
41
Cape Verde
58
4
50
66
60
 
41
Dominica
58
3
54
62
58
 
40
Spain
59
7
51
67
65
 
38
Brunei
60
3
43
77
55
 
38
Poland
60
10
56
64
58
 
36
Israel
61
6
58
64
60
 
36
Taiwan
61
7
54
68
61
 
33
Portugal
62
7
57
67
63
 
33
Puerto Rico
62
3
52
72
63
 
33
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
62
3
53
71
62
 
31
Bhutan
63
4
59
67
63
 
31
Cyprus
63
5
57
69
66
 
30
Botswana
64
7
61
67
65
 
28
Estonia
68
9
64
72
64
 
28
Qatar
68
6
56
80
68
 
26
Austria
69
8
64
74
69
 
26
United Arab Emirates
69
7
61
77
68
 
22
Bahamas
71
3
69
73
71
 
22
Chile
71
9
68
74
72
 
22
France
71
8
67
75
71
 
22
Saint Lucia
71
3
70
72
71
 
21
Ireland
72
6
65
79
69
 
19
United States
73
9
66
80
73
 
19
Uruguay
73
6
71
75
72
 
18
Japan
74
9
70
78
74
 
15
Barbados
75
3
63
87
76
 
15
Belgium
75
7
71
79
75
 
15
Hong Kong
75
8
71
79
77
 
14
United Kingdom
76
8
74
78
74
 
12
Germany
78
8
74
82
79
 
12
Iceland
78
6
73
83
82
 
11
Luxembourg
80
6
75
85
80
 
9
Australia
81
8
79
83
85
 
9
Canada
81
7
77
85
84
 
8
Netherlands
83
7
80
86
84
 
7
Switzerland
85
6
81
89
86
 
5
Norway
86
7
82
90
85
 
5
Singapore
86
9
82
90
87
 
3
Finland
89
7
86
92
90
 
3
Sweden
89
7
85
93
88
 
1
Denmark
91
7
87
95
90
 
1
New Zealand
91
7
87
95
90
 
 

In the table above, CI refers to Confidence Interval. The confidence interval reflects some of the uncertainty associated with a country’s CPI score. It is calculated by looking at the range of scores given by all the data used to calculate that country’s score, such that a wider interval reflects a wider variation in the data for that country. For more information on the CPI methodology and data sources, download our CPI information package.

Corruption Perceptions Index 2013 Brochure

source : http://www.transparency.org/cpi2013/results